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PostPosted: 12/23/10 5:05 am • # 1 
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This is exceptionally important to me ~ not only the rules surrounding filibusters but those surrounding 'holds' as well ~ I very much want 'secret' holds to end ~ if you have a problem with something, have the cojones to own up to it ~ I also very much want the reason for any hold to be required to relate to whatever/whoever is being held ~ no more holds on, say, judicial candidates until some senator gets what she/he wants in a totally unrelated matter ~ this rules reform is ultra important to remove the 'dys' from a functioning Senate ~ and I understand there is a very small window of time when the new Congress comes back in a couple of weeks for rules changes to be passed by a simple majority ~ Sooz

THE DRIVE FOR SENATE REFORM PICKS UP STEAM.... For quite a while, senators hoping to change their dysfunctional institution have generally been part of a small, almost quixotic, group. The issue of reforming the Senate's easily-abused, often-archaic rules just hasn't been high-profile enough to generate widespread enthusiasm.

But the salience of Senate reform appears to be growing. This week's developments within the Democratic caucus were a huge step in the right direction.

Quote:

All Democratic senators returning next year have signed a letter to Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., urging him to consider action to change long-sacrosanct filibuster rules.

The letter, delivered this week, expresses general frustration with what Democrats consider unprecedented obstruction and asks Reid to take steps to end those abuses. While it does not urge a specific solution, Democrats said it demonstrates increased backing in the majority for a proposal, championed by Sen. Tom Udall, D-N.M., and others, weaken the minority's ability to tie the Senate calendar into parliamentary knots.

Among the chief revisions that Democrats say will likely be offered: Senators could not initiate a filibuster of a bill before it reaches the floor unless they first muster 40 votes for it, and they would have to remain on the floor to sustain it. That is a change from current rules, which require the majority leader to file a cloture motion to overcome an anonymous objection to a motion to proceed, and then wait 30 hours for a vote on it.

The only Democratic senator to withhold his signature from the letter was Connecticut's Chris Dodd, who isn't coming back next year anyway.

The unanimity matters a great deal. There have been a handful of senators working behind the scenes on reform efforts for months, with the bulk of the work being done by newer, younger members like Merkley, Udall, Bennet, Warner, and McCaskill. (The exception is Iowa's Tom Harkin, who's been a leader on this for many years.)

But this week's letter was signed by every Dem who's returning for the 112th Congress. It suggests the unprecedented obstructionism from Republicans in recent years has made it overwhelmingly clear -- this isn't how the Senate used to work, this isn't how the Senate was designed to work, and this isn't how the Senate should be expected to work.

Obviously, the details of reform make all the difference, and there's no real agreement, even among Dems, about exactly which reforms to push. It's also not clear how Democrats would pursue potential changes procedurally.

Still, it's encouraging that the issue is generating some momentum going into the new year. At least in theory, the larger dynamic might even make Republicans more amenable to change -- even if Dems found it easier to pass bills next year, there's still a very right-wing House to block measures the GOP doesn't like. And since Republicans hope/expect to win back the Senate in 2013 anyway, this may be a unique moment for bipartisan progress.

Post script: Chris Hayes had a good item on this yesterday, noting, among other things, that earlier this week, former Sens. Chuck Hagel (R-Neb.) and Gary Hart (D-Colo.) issued a bipartisan call for rules reform. "The most important vote of the 112th Senate will likely be its first," Chris concluded.

—Steve Benen 8:30 AM December 23, 2010

http://www.washingtonmonthly.com/archiv ... 027223.php


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PostPosted: 12/23/10 3:19 pm • # 2 
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Here's more detail ~ Sooz

By [url=/author/Scott Keyes]Scott Keyes[/url] on Dec 23rd, 2010 at 3:30 pm
Returning Democratic Senators Unanimously Push For Filibuster Reform

As the 111th Congress enters the history books, most retrospectives point to its major accomplishments, including health care reform and repealing the military's Don't Ask, Don't Tell policy. One overlooked – though just as important – story of this Congress, however, is the rise of the filibuster and its role in killing legislation, blocking appointments, and often times bringing the legislative branch to a standstill.

Long gone are the noble Mr. Smith Goes To Washington filibusters where senators were forced to actually defend their obstructionism for hours on end. They have been replaced instead by record-breaking gridlock where a 41-member minority effectively wields veto power over all legislation. Look no further than the following chart from Ezra Klein to see just how rapidly the filibuster has become a mainstay in the Senate:

Image

However, as the beginning of the 112th Congress draws near, there are hopeful signs that Senate obstructionism may be relegated to the past. This week, the National Journal reports that returning Democratic senators unanimously signed a letter to Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV), urging him to change the Senate's filibuster rules when Congress reconvenes in January:

Quote:

The letter, delivered this week, expresses general frustration with what Democrats consider unprecedented obstruction and asks Reid to take steps to end those abuses. While it does not urge a specific solution, Democrats said it demonstrates increased backing in the majority for a proposal, championed by Sen. Tom Udall, D-N.M., and others, weaken the minority's ability to tie the Senate calendar into parliamentary knots.

Among the chief revisions that Democrats say will likely be offered: Senators could not initiate a filibuster of a bill before it reaches the floor unless they first muster 40 votes for it, and they would have to remain on the floor to sustain it. That is a change from current rules, which require the majority leader to file a cloture motion to overcome an anonymous objection to a motion to proceed, and then wait 30 hours for a vote on it.

Udall hopes his plan, known as the “Constitutional Option,â€



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PostPosted: 12/28/10 5:54 am • # 3 
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There is no question that the Senate is largely dysfunctional [at the expense of the public] ~ but all the talk has been about reforming the filibuster rules ~ I deeply believe the 'hold' rules desperately need reform as well ~ Sooz 

THE NEED FOR SENATE REFORM -- IN VISUAL CONTEXT.... Perhaps the best comparison I've seen when it comes abuse of the Senate's rules came from Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) earlier this year.

"In baseball," Reid said March, "they used to have the spitball. It originally was used with discretion. But then the ball got wetter and wetter and wetter. So soon, they outlawed the spitball."

Right. What was once an occasional, easy-to-overlook nuisance became a major problem. Minor mischief started affecting the game on a systemic level as abuse ran rampant, necessitating action that returned some integrity to the game.

Republican abuse of institutional rules is extremely similar. The filibuster isn't exactly new, but widespread abuse of the rules is a fairly recent development. For example, there were more filibusters in the last two years than there were in the 1950s and 1960s combined. Think about that -- what once took two decades now takes two years. And it's not as if there weren't important pieces of legislation being considered in '50s and '60s.

The Senate has kept an updated table online, charting cloture votes by Congress over the last 90 years, and using three metrics: (1) cloture motions filed (when the majority begins to end a filibuster); (2) votes on cloture (when the majority tries to end a filibuster); and (3) the number of times cloture was invoked (when the majority succeeds in ending a filibuster). I'd planned to put together a killer chart on this, but last week, Brian Beutler beat me to it.

Image

You'll notice that the Congress that ended last week did not break the record in every category -- it helped that the Democratic majority was so enormous -- but there was a record in the number of times cloture was invoked. To put the data in some perspective, cloture was invoked 63 times in the last two years, which isn't just the most ever, it's more than the sum total of instances from 1919 through 1982.

That's not a typo.

The upward trend in all three categories is just astounding, and a reminder of how far the Senate has strayed from the ways in which it was designed to work and used to work. There are still some in the political world, including many reporters, who think that the status quo is just normal operating procedure for the institution. That's not even close to being accurate.

What's more, also note that the chart doesn't tell the whole story. As Ezra Klein noted the other day, "[T]his doesn't even count all of them. It only counts those filibusters that the majority actually tried to do something about. Plenty more filibusters get threatened, but cloture doesn't get filed because the issue isn't important enough or the votes aren't present."

As interest in reforming this broken, dysfunctional system intensifies, expect to see this chart again.

—Steve Benen 11:20 AM December 28, 2010

http://www.washingtonmonthly.com/archiv ... 027279.php


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PostPosted: 01/04/11 11:59 am • # 4 
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I can't decide if Rs are perfecting the art of 'playing dumb' or if they are really natively [and pathetically] as dumb as they appear ~ Sooz

WHAT LAMAR ALEXANDER DOESN'T UNDERSTAND ABOUT SENATE REFORM.... As talks continue on how (and whether) to improve the way the Senate does business, it's inevitable that reform efforts are going to generate some pushback. That's fine, of course, since there are credible arguments raised by critics to consider.

Senate Republican Conference Chairman Lamar Alexander of Tennessee, however, continues to rely on wildly unpersuasive arguments.

Quote:

In a speech prepared for a Tuesday appearance at the Heritage Foundation, Mr. Alexander reiterated his position that Democrats would be making a mistake. "Voters who turned out in November are going to be pretty disappointed when they learn the first thing Democrats want to do is cut off the right of the people they elected to make their voices heard on the floor of the U.S. Senate," he said in his planned remarks.

This really doesn't make any sense. Putting aside the misguided take on public opinion -- does Alexander really think voters are fans of Senate obstructionist tactics? -- there are no proposals under consideration that would silence Senate voices. Hell, the notion of eliminating the filibuster and allowing the Senate to operate by majority rule isn't even on the table.

The main proposal being pushed by reform-minded Democrats has three main provisions: (1) prohibiting filibusters on motions to proceed, which prevent senators from even having a debate; (2) ending the practice of secret holds; and (3) forcing those filibustering legislation to actually stand on the floor and talk endlessly.

If Lamar Alexander believes implementing these changes "cut off" Senate members and prevent "their voices" from being heard, he's deeply confused about the nature of the debate.

On a related note, many observers have been waiting anxiously for Jan. 5 (i.e., tomorrow), with the expectation that major decisions will be made about these reform efforts. It's worth noting, then, that's extremely unlikely the issue will be resolved this week.

Quote:

Senate leaders, seeking more time for bipartisan talks aimed at avoiding a potentially disruptive showdown on the Senate floor, are preparing a tactic that would let negotiations continue while maintaining the ability of Democrats to press ahead with their changes if talks prove fruitless.

In essence, Democrats could put the Senate in recess at the conclusion of Wednesday's mainly ceremonial proceedings to be highlighted by the swearing in of 13 new senators.

As a result, the Senate would technically still be in the same legislative day when lawmakers returned on Jan. 24, and the backers of the rules changes could proceed at that point if they were not satisfied.

Stay tuned.

—Steve Benen 10:45 AM January 4, 2011

http://www.washingtonmonthly.com/archiv ... 027368.php


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PostPosted: 01/04/11 3:06 pm • # 5 
"I can't decide if Rs are perfecting the art of 'playing dumb' or if they are really natively [and pathetically] as dumb as they appear ~ Sooz"

The former... they're as dumb as a fox.


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PostPosted: 01/04/11 3:09 pm • # 6 
I am in favor of the filibuster rule change. Now all you have to do is threaten one. I like the idea of having to remain on the floor to sustain it. And having the 40 votes. 


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PostPosted: 01/06/11 4:13 am • # 7 
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I agree, monster ~ the confusion is not from the complexity of the rules ~ the confusion is intentionally created/packaged/sold for self-serving partisan reasons ~ Sooz

SENATE PROCEDURES ARE COMPLICATED -- BUT NOT THIS COMPLICATED.... The long-awaited package of Senate reforms were unveiled yesterday by Sens. Tom Udall (D-N.M.), Jeff Merkley (D-Ore.), and Tom Harkin (D-Iowa), and will be the basis for discussions over the next three weeks. In that time, we can expect to hear a lot of misrepresentations about what's on the table.

I tend to see the proposals as worthwhile, but if we're being intellectually serious about this, the reforms are pretty tepid. The changes -- ending filibusters on motions to proceed, eliminating secret holds, etc. -- would make the chamber function more effectively, but only at the margins. I like the plan, but I also think it's a mistake to consider it a sweeping overhaul. It isn't.

So why support it? Partly because some improvements are better than none, but also because I see some value in getting the ball rolling a bit. Major institutional reforms rarely happen all at once, and the Senate is more resistant to change than most. The point would be to use Udall/Merkley as a stepping stone -- minor changes now that could help clear the way for more systemic changes later.

In the meantime, though, conservatives' willingness to mischaracterize the basics of what's on the table is already ridiculous, and it's likely to get worse. The Wall Street Journal ran a report on the Udall/Merkley plan that has no connection to reality -- it argues the proposal intends to "stamp out the filibuster" and prevent Jimmy Stewart-like "Mr. Smith" moments.

Jon Chait sets the record straight, calling the WSJ's reporting "a complete inversion of the truth."

Quote:

The filibuster used to require endless debate. Under the current rules, though, the minority can block even the beginning of a debate. Filibuster proponents point to Jimmy Stewart and the history of the filibuster to paint their position as a defense of unlimited debate when they're really just defending a supermajority requirement. Because current rules allow the minority to block the start of a debate, Stewart-style filibusters with actual speeches don't happen.

What the Democrats propose to do is not to limit debate, or even to curtail the supermajority requirement. It's merely to force the minority party to actually debate. The minority would not be able to block a bill from being debated on the floor. If they wanted to require a supermajority to pass it, they would have to actually debate it.

In other words, Boles (and the Republicans) claim that Mr. Smith Goes To Washington-style filibusters currently exist and the reforms would stop them. In reality, such filibusters do not currently exist and the reform bill would create them.

I don't know why so many find this so hard to understand.

—Steve Benen 9:25 AM January 6, 2011

http://www.washingtonmonthly.com/archiv ... 027406.php


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